THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT: A REVOLUTION FROM ABOVE
PUBLISHED: 26th October, 2019 | By Richard Heathen
For decades now the power elite and their tax exempt foundations have both sponsored and partnered with radical activists to promote subversive hard leftwing causes. So called “advancements”such as the civil rights movement, the establishment of universal suffrage, and the institutionalization of feminism are presented to us via the media, academia and other social institutions as a natural progression to an eventual egalitarian utopia - Fukuyama’s ‘end of history’, where the world, through the inevitable triumph of human rights, technological advancement and liberal democracy, will come together in a united vision and where distinctions like religion, nationality, race and every other collective identity will fall away. That is, after all, the dream of the duel ideologies of subversion, liberalism and Marxism.
However, what’s not usually discussed in our so called “open society”, is the role that the power elite and there foundations played in radically changing the social landscape of the United States, and all of Western Civilization in the 20th century, which continues today. Prolific institutions and wealthy upper class families such as the Ford Foundation and Rockefeller family were the driving force behind such social transformations as the civil rights movement and the institutionalization of feminism.
The civil rights movement has an almost mythological quality in the modern world. Believers in a progressive view of history, (neo-Marxists, progressives, etc.) view the civil rights movement as a leap forward in the enfranchisement of human rights, Martin Luther King is viewed as a modern day prophet with his famous “I Have A Dream” speech. The Civil Rights Movement occupies a central place in the civic mythology dominant in the West today. It’s celebrated all across the political spectrum, from the far-left all the way to the conservative-liberal right. Anyone who would dare counter-signal this secular, yet sacred myth, marks themselves as a heretic, a character so unsavoury that they would not only find themselves well out of the mainstream, but also labelled with the usual pejoratives (racist, Nazi, etc.). Such heretics soon find themselves persecuted and condemned by the outrage mobs, the modern equivalent of medieval witch-hunts, the consequences of which often results in the loss of employment, home, and social standing.
If we look past the veneer of this progressive myth, and scratch the surface, we can see that, far from being some spontaneous action of independent actors fighting against injustice and racial oppression, it was a movement funded and organized by powerful and monied interests. The Council for United Civil Rights Leadership (CUCRL) was formed in June 1963 as a umbrella group for funding the civil rights movement, the groundwork for which was laid by Stephen and Audrey Currie, who established the Taconic Foundation. According to InsidePhilanthropy.com:
“Stephen was the stepson of Edward Warburg the Kuhn, Loeb banking family, while Audrey was the granddaughter of Andrew Mellon and an heiress to one of the largest fortunes in the United States” 
The CUCRL was formed as a response to escalating rivalries between civil rights leaders competing for money from wealthy elites. This rivalry stemmed from the fallout of a campaign lead and organized by Martin Luther King, and his organization Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) in Birmingham Alabama, where King was arrested after several altercations with civic authorities while agitating for the forced integration of whites and blacks. 
Protests and a boycott were organized in Birmingham by Fred Shuttlesworth, with the aim of not only ending the cities bylaw mandating racial segregation, but also to pressure white employers to hire black employees. Eventually King and his organization became involved when the local government and business leaders refused to acquiesce to the demands of the protesters in Birmingham. They then launched 'Project C', C for confrontation, which is when things escalated in Birmingham. Funded by monied interests King and his comrades organized subversive actions which included coordinated marches, sit-ins, and other demonstrations.
The SCLC’s Director of Direct Action, spurred on by a shortage of adult volunteers, decided to recruit students to be the majority demographic for this campaign. Black students of all ages, from Elementary all the way to college, were trained by the SCLC in activist agitation, and walked out of class as part of the protest.
SCLC co-founder and executive director Wyatt Tee Walker intentionally provoked the police in Birmingham to get the attention of both the national media and the US Federal Government, according to Walker:
"My theory was that if we mounted a strong nonviolent movement, the opposition would surely do something to attract the media, and in turn induce national sympathy and attention to the everyday segregated circumstance of a person living in the Deep South."
His plan to provoke mass arrests was successful, as the police also used fire hoses on the young protestors, as well as police dogs. Many were arrested.
The strategy of using children as props for political activism proved to be a controversial tactic on both sides, withe even Malcolm X condemning the decision, stating:
"Real men don't put their children on the firing line."
King was arrested on April 12 1963, and freed on bail with Rockefeller money. The Rockefellers had been funding Kings organization SCLC since 1961. Clearance Jones, a member of Kings inner circle met with Nelson Rockefeller, where he was handed $100,000 in cash for the money needed to bail King and their student disciples out of jail. Clearance Jones recounts the meeting in a Vanity Fair interview:
“[A]n unexpected angel arrived, courtesy of a telephone call from Belafonte. Jones remembers Belafonte saying in an excited tone, “‘I was discussing [the Birmingham problem] with Nelson Rockefeller’s speechwriter. It’s a fellow named Hugh Morrow—he used to work for The Saturday Evening Post—who you’ll be hearing from.’ Next thing I know I got a call from Morrow—‘How can I help?’”
Jones replied, “Well, I’m coming back [to New York] tonight. Let’s meet.”
Since 1961, Nelson Rockefeller had been writing occasional checks to the SCLC., usually in the range of $5,000 to $10,000. This time, they would need much, much more. “I arrived in New York late,” Jones recounts. “Morrow lived on Sutton Place. I called him at one o’clock in the morning. Half asleep, he says, ‘We want you to be at the Chase Manhattan Bank tomorrow, even though it’s Saturday. We want to help Martin.’
“I walk in at the [appointed] time and there is Rockefeller, Morrow, a bank official, and a couple of security guards. They open the huge vault. There was a big circular door with a driver’s-wheel-like handle on it. Lo and behold there was money stacked floor to ceiling! Rockefeller walks in and takes $100,000 in cash and puts it in a satchel, a briefcase-like thing. And one of the Chase Manhattan Bank officers says, ‘Mr. Jones, can you sit down for a moment?’ I sit down and he says, ‘Your name is Clarence B. Jones, right? We’ve got to have a note for this.’”
Jones hesitated, flabbergasted. “This man filled out a promissory note: Clarence B. Jones, $100,000 payable on demand,” Jones recalls. “Now, I wasn’t stupid. I said, ‘Payable on demand?! I don’t have $100,000!’ And the bank official . . . said, ‘No, we’ll take care of it, but we’ve got to have it for banking regulations.’”
Worried he was being impudent, Jones signed the document. “I took the money and got on a plane headed back to Alabama,” Jones says. “I am a hero. All the kids are bailed out.” 
After Birmingham King became the most recognized figure in the civil rights movement causing friction between himself and other figures, in particular head of the NAACP Roy Wilkins, according to historian David Garrow:
“To a number of close observers, Wilkins' anger and the growing appearance of interorganizational competition were rooted basically in the heightened financial stakes that had resulted from the Birmingham crisis. That event had elevated King to the indisputable civil rights top spot in the American public's mind. It also meant that King's SCLC, rather than the long-established NAACP, would be the chief financial beneficiary of the new interest in civil rights.”
In response to this growing rivalry Stephen Currie organized the first meeting of CUCRL on June 19 1963 at the Carlyle Hotel in Manhattan, representatives from 96 corporations and foundations, including both the Rockefeller Foundations and the Ford Foundation, where $800,000 was raised, with another $700,000 was promised. Ironically, of all the money raised little to none was donated by the black community. Ever the curmudgeon, Malcolm X condemned what he saw as white liberal elites co-opting the civil rights movement:
“They had a meeting at the Carlyle Hotel in New York City. The Carlyle Hotel is owned by the Kennedy family; that’s the hotel Kennedy spent the night at, two nights ago; [it] belongs to his family. A philanthropic society headed by a white man named Stephen Currier called all the top civil-rights leaders together at the Carlyle Hotel. And he told them that, “By you all fighting each other, you are destroying the civil-rights movement. And since you’re fighting over money from white liberals, let us set up what is known as the Council for United Civil Rights Leadership. Let’s form this council, and all the civil-rights organizations will belong to it, and we’ll use it for fund-raising purposes.” Let me show you how tricky the white man is. And as soon as they got it formed, they elected Whitney Young as the chairman, and who [do] you think became the co-chairman? Stephen Currier, the white man, a millionaire. Powell was talking about it down at the Cobo [Hall] today. This is what he was talking about. Powell knows it happened. Randolph knows it happened. Wilkins knows it happened. King knows it happened. Everyone of that so-called Big Six — they know what happened.
Once they formed it, with the white man over it, he promised them and gave them $800,000 to split up between the Big Six; and told them that after the march was over they’d give them $700,000 more. A million and a half dollars — split up between leaders that you’ve been following, going to jail for, crying crocodile tears for. And they’re nothing but Frank James and Jesse James and the what-do-you-call-’em brothers.
[As] soon as they got the setup organized, the white man made available to them top public relations experts; opened the news media across the country at their disposal; and then they begin [sic] to project these Big Six as the leaders of the march. Originally, they weren’t even in the march. You was [sic ] talking this march talk on Hastings Street — Is Hastings Street still here? -- on Hasting Street. You was [sic] talking the march talk on Lenox Avenue, and out on — What you call it? — Fillmore Street, and Central Avenue, and 32nd Street and 63rd Street. That’s where the march talk was being talked. But the white man put the Big Six [at the] head of it; made them the march. They became the march. They took it over. And the first move they made after they took it over, they invited Walter Reuther, a white man; they invited a priest, a rabbi, and an old white preacher. Yes, an old white preacher. The same white element that put Kennedy in power — labor, the Catholics, the Jews, and liberal Protestants; [the] same clique that put Kennedy in power, joined the march on Washington.
It’s just like when you’ve got some coffee that’s too black, which means it’s too strong. What you do? You integrate it with cream; you make it weak. If you pour too much cream in, you won’t even know you ever had coffee. It used to be hot, it becomes cool. It used to be strong, it becomes weak. It used to wake you up, now it’ll put you to sleep. This is what they did with the march on Washington. They joined it. They didn’t integrate it; they infiltrated it. They joined it, became a part of it, took it over.” 
Malcolm X was concerned that white elites, through their funding, had co-opted and thus subverted the civil rights movement, and looking back with the benefit of hindsight, he appears to be right, maybe.
While Malcolm X wanted a revolutionary movement, he wanted one that championed separatist tendencies, and perhaps even with the establishment of a black nation separate from the then white majority United States.
What the civil rights movement became wasn’t the revolutionary movement Malcolm X envisioned, but it was revolutionary. The new left movements of the 1960s and 1970s engaged in a cultural revolution that tore down the existing social order. Race relations, male/female relations, the cultural perception of drugs, sexuality, economics, and the role of family/kin were transformed by the cultural revolution launched by the new left and their benefactors.
Every existing standard was torn down and inverted. The power elite worked in concert through both governments and foundations guiding the energies of the mass movements they both funded, and organized, towards an agenda that served their interests.
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